The Real Root Cause of Sectarian Violance in Pakistan, A Review

Note: This article explains the root cause of the sectarian violence in Pakistan, it is necessary to get the actual root cause as failing in this only can create more problems. Please read and share with others if you agree. 

Ali (2008), Ahmer (2009) and Zaman (1998) has written on the root cause of sectarian violence in Pakistan. This conflict has been prevalent among the two sects Shia and Sunni mainly. Both authors agree that these outfits have been created in reaction to injustice of the feudal system mainly in lower Punjab area, where this feudal system has its inclination toward Ahl-e-Tashee sect (Shia). 

In reaction to this injustice and illegitimate use of power against the lower class militant organizations have emerged to resist the hegemony of unduly dominant sects of the rival group. The violent reactions by both factions against each other however have also been criticized by these authors as socially destructive and have demanded solutions to the problem.

Zaman (1998) and Ahmer (2009) have in fact taken a more historical and holistic view on the development of the sectarian conflicts in Pakistan, starting from branding of Ahmedies as non-Muslims, to influence of Iranian revolution on Shia community in Pakistan and its subsequent uprising on Zia’s pro Sunni policies, to the formation of Sipah-e-Mohammad, a banned militant outfit, as subsidiary of TNJP and finally the creation of Sipah-e-Sahaba in reaction to the Shia militancy and injustice of Shia magnets and feudal class against the sunni peasants in the Jhang region. Zaman’s arguments seem unbiased as he blames both factions in contributing to the problem and not in the solution.

It is also claimed that modern form sectarian violence between Shia-Sunni (The Nation, 2010) and Barelvi-Deobandi (Ghazi, 2011, p. 61) is caused by a local or foreign conspirators. Furthermore political and economic factors create a context to breed violence where arguments of religious (whose health might be questionable) nature only provide moral justification to a violent act.

It is argued that in a society which is already divided on political, ethnic, racial and economic grounds, presence of religious divide is a no surprise. Molana Qari Muhamamd Hafeez Jalindhari, Head of Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia network, questions that why religious sectarian violence gets more attention in the media or emphasized by the government despite the fact its magnitude in the overall violence, occurring due to political, ethnic and racial reasons, is insignificant. He even argues that if government is really serious then it should work to eradicate all forms of violence occurring at various types of fault lines, let alone religious (Jalindhari, 2011, p. 110). 

According to Mufti Zahid Sangharvi, graduate of Darul-uloom Korangi, “around 2 out of 16 years of Madresa education, topics related to differences among various ‘schools of thought’ and sects are taught”. It largely depends on the teacher how he is teaching the topics, says Mufti Zahid. Mainstream Madaris are not involved in sectarian violence, rather they condemn the phenomenon however, in his view, some teachers in Madaris in remote rural areas does incite hate for other sects among their students, which might contribute to the problem, however “The percentage of such Madaris might be insignificant in total”.

It is also claimed that highest respect is paid to the viewpoints of other schools of thoughts such as those belong to Imam Malik, Imam Shafi and Imam Hambal r.a (Jalindhari, 2011, p. 107), however it is also admitted by Molana Hafeez Jalindhari that while discussing the viewpoints of the other sects (like Barelvi or Ahle-Tashee) the tone of the discussion becomes intense and critical beyond the appropriate limits. Molana Jalindhari suggests that this habit is inexcusable and must be rectified whenever and wherever it is present (p. 168).

No matter how little the involvement may be, if there is a point of weakness then it should be proactively being taken care of. Ali (2008) also confirms the observation of Mufti Zahid Sangharvi stated above for Ahmedpur-East region in lower Punjab, however he also suggests that government has to address the issues of rural development, take measures to eradicate economic disparity and protect the violation peasant rights which provide a context for hatred among feudal (Ahle-Tashee) and peasant class (Sunni).

This suggests that roots of sectarian violence might be traced to economic and political causes instead of religious ones alone, let alone of any foreign conspiracy. However this shouldn’t excuse Madaris executive bodies to keep a check and take precautionary measures when and where needed within their system or curriculum and avoid becoming part of the problem.

Bibliography

• Ahmer, M. (2009). Sectarian Conflicts in Pakistan. Pakistan Vision, 9(1).
• Ali, S. H. (2008). Pakistani Madresa and Rural Underdevelopment: An Empirical Study of AhmedPur East. (J. Malik, Ed.) pp. 85-101.
• Ghazi, A. (2011). Deshat gardi ke adde ya khair ke marakiz (Dens of Terrorism or Welfare Institutes). Karachi: Al-Hijaz Publisher.
• Jalindhari, M. Q. (2011). Deeni Madaris ka Muqadima. Karachi: Bait-us Salaam.
• The Nation. (2010, September 7). Conspiracies to create Shia-Sunni conflict to be foiled: JI. Retrieved December 18, 2011, from The Nation: http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/Lahore/07-Sep-2010/Conspiracies-to-create-ShiaSunni-conflict-to-be-foiled-JI
• Zaman, M. Q. (1998). Sectarianism in Pakistan: The Radicalization of Shia and Sunni Identity. Modern Asian Studies, 32(3), 689-716. 

This is an excript from a paper written earlier by the author, complete paper is accessable at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1986551